RE-VISITING THE SOUTH CHINA SEA by B.Raman The incident involving a spy-in-the-sky aircraft of the
USA's National Security Agency (NSA) and a Chinese military aircraft over
the South China Sea on April 1,2001, should draw attention to the deliberate
vagueness of China's territorial claims relating to not only the Spratly
Islands, but also the waters of the South China Sea itself. In the past, China had referred to the islands as its
territory and to the South China Sea itself as its "historic waters" Does China claim only the islands? Does China also claim
the sea as a whole as its territorial waters or does it admit that these
islands are located in the "high seas" as interpreted by international
maritime law? What are the implications of China's description of the South
China Sea as its "historic waters" for navigation rights through the South
China Sea and for air rights in the air space over the sea? These are questions which keep arising from time to time,
but Beijing has avoided answering them in a categorical manner. A similar policy of calculated vagueness is maintained by
Beijing in respect of the area of the Natuna gas fields of Indonesia. At
the fourth informal workshop on the South China Sea attended by China and
the ASEAN countries held in Surabaya, Indonesia, in 1993, China, which had
previously been reluctant to produce any documentary evidence in support of
its claims, produced for the first time a map which indicated what it called
its historic waters. The Indonesians noticed to their surprise that the
Chinese claim line was marked between the Natuna Islands of Indonesia and a
gas-bearing area located 250 KMs to the North-East of it, which lies within
the limit of the Exclusive Economic Zone of 200 nautical miles (320 kms)
claimed by Indonesia, thereby raising the suspicion that China probably
looked upon this gas-bearing area also as historically belonging to it even
though it had never claimed it in the past before the discovery of gas. Since then, repeated Indonesian attempts to obtain an oral
or written communication from China giving a clear elucidation of its claims
have proved in vain. It has been the consistent stand of the US that while the
ownership of the Spratly Islands is a matter to be decided by China and the
concerned ASEAN member-countries (the Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei and
Vietnam) in which it has no locus standi, it would not accept China's claim
that the entire South China Sea constituted its "historic waters". In the
past, the US had also made it clear to Beijing that it would resist any
attempt to interfere with international sea and air navigation rights
through the South China Sea. In March 1995, after the Filipino accusation against
Beijing relating to its clandestine occupation of the Mischief Reef, Mr.
Benjamin Gilman, the then Chairman of the House International Relations
Committee, tabled a resolution in the US House of Representatives warning
China against using force or intimidation in the South China Sea. The
resolution added that "the right of free passage through the South China Sea
is in the national security interest of the US". In a statement issued on May 10,1995, the US State
Department said: "The US would view with serious concern any maritime claim
or restriction on maritime activity in the South China Sea that was not
consistent with international law." On June 16,1995, Mr. Joseph Nye, US Assistant Secretary of
Defence for International Security, told pressmen at Tokyo: "If military
action occurred in the Spratlys and this interfered with the freedom of the
seas, then we would be prepared to escort and make sure that navigation
continues." A Pentagon study said: " The US takes no position on the
legal merits of the competing claims. Our strategic interest in maintaining
the lines of communication linking South-East Asia, North-East Asia and the
Indian Ocean makes it essential that we resist any maritime claims beyond
those permitted by the Law of the Sea Convention." In the face of these US warnings, a spokesman of the
Chinese Foreign Ministry stated as follows on May 18,1995:" On the issue of
the navigation rights in the South China Sea, the Chinese Government holds a
definite and clear-cut position, namely, Chinese action to safeguard its
sovereignty over the Nansha Islands (Spratly Islands) and the relevant
maritime rights and interests will not affect navigation through and the
freedom and safety of flights over the international waterway of the South
China Sea in keeping with the international laws." This statement, while assuring Chinese respect for the air
and sea navigation rights of the international community over the
international waterway of the South China Sea, did not specifically renounce
Chinese claims that the South China Sea constituted its historic waters. On
the contrary, it asserted that China had relevant maritime rights and
interests in the waters of the South China Sea, without specifying them. Since then, the US has been regularly sending its ships
and aircraft through the South China Sea in order to assert its position
that the waters of the South China Sea constituted "high seas" and that the
air space over these high seas is international air space and not Chinese
air space. The NSA plane, which force-landed in Hainan on April
1,2001, after reportedly colliding with a Chinese plane, was apparently sent
there not only to collect electronic intelligence, but also to re-assert the
US position that the air space over the South China Sea constituted
international and not Chinese air space. (The writer is Additional Secretary (retd), Cabinet
Secretariat, Govt. of India, and, presently, Director, Institute For Topical
Studies, Chennai. E-mail: corde@vsnl.com)
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